^Krr-C'V^L^n  ••v^v-f'-k-''*  .-S^^KA^B  ~^\*£\:-'s  •_>=.;  -^5 

>4  V^K 


SAVOURY  DISH 


FOR 


LOYAL    MEN.  I 


PHILADELPHIA: 

PRINTED  FOR  GRATUITOUS  DISTRIBUTION. 
1863. 


CONTENTS. 


LETTERS  FROM  GENERAL  ROSECRANS. 

GOV.  CANNON'S  MESSAGE  AND 
PROCLAMATION. 

ARGUMENTS  FROM  AN  OLD   DEMOCRAT, 

SPEECH  OF  HON.  D.  S.  DICKINSON. 

LESSONS  OF  THE  PAST: 

SHALL  WE  HEED  THEM  ? 

THE  ARMY  AND  THE  COPPERHEADS. 


SAVOURY    DISH 


LOYAL    MEN 


PHILADELPHIA: 
PRINTED   FOR   GRATUITOUS   DISTRIBUTION. 

1863. 


CAUTIONARY  NOTE. 


When  nurses  prepare  food  for  the  sick,  they  often  conceal 
some  of  the  ingredients  lest  the  patient  should  have  a  distaste 
of  them,  and  thus  render  the  dish  unpalatable.  In  dealing 
with  those  of  a  good  constitution  and  sound  health,  we  run  no 
risk  in  letting  them  know  what  is  set  before  them. 

A  true  patriot  who  prefers  liberty  to  bondage,  union  to  divi 
sion,  honorable  war  to  infamous  peace,  his  country  to  his  party, 
will  relish  and  grow  strong  from  what  is  served  up  to  him  on 
this  dish. 

To  those  who  are  suffering  under  the  rabid  influence  of  dis 
loyalty,  or  from  the  venomous  bite  of  the  copperhead,  such  fare 
is  too  rich.  It  would  disagree  with  their  stomachs.  They 
should  avoid  everything  stimulating,  and  expose  themselves  as 
little  as  possible  to  free  air,  until  their  appetite  for  what  is 
patriotic  and  American  is  in  a  degree  restored. 


NOBLE  LETTER  FROM  GEN.  ROSECRANS. 

On  Tuesday  last,  in  the  Ohio  Legislature,  a  message  was 
received  from  the  Governor,  enclosing  the  following  letter  from 
General  Rosecrans : 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND,  | 

MURFREESBORO',  TENNESSEE,  Feb.  o,  1863.  j 

To  the  Honorable  the  General  Assembly  of  the  State  of  Ohio  : 

The  resolution  of  thanks  passed  by  your  honorable  body  to 
the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  its  Commanding  General  and 
his  staff,  has  been  duly  received,  and  published  to  the  troops 
of  his  command.  On  behalf  of  all,  I  return  you  heartfelt 
thanks. 

This  is,  indeed,  a  war  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Constitu 
tion  and  the  laws — nay,  for  national  existence — against  those 
who  have  despised  our  honest  friendship,  deceived  our^just 
hopes,  and  driven  us  to  defend  our  country  and  our/ftomes. 
By  foul  and  willful  slanders  on  our  motives  aml^fntentions, 
persistently  repeated,  they  have  arrayed  aga>flst  us  our  own 
fellow-citizens,  bound  to  us  by  the  triple  tic^fof  consanguinity, 
geographical  position,  and  commercial  invest. 

Let  no  man  among  us  be  base  enou^n  to  forget  this,  or  fool 
enough  to  trust  an  oligarchy  of  tr^tftors  to  their  friends,  to 
civil  liberty  and  human  freedom.  Voluntary  exiles  from  home 
and  friends,  for  the  defence  and  £afety  of  all,  we  long  for  the 
time  when  gentle  peacie  shall  again  spread  her  wings  over  our 
land  ;  but  we  know  no  such  blessing  is  possible  while  the  unjust 
and  arbitrary  power  of  the  rebel  leaders  confronts  and  threatens 
us.  Crafty  as  the  fox,  c^uel  as  the  tiger,  they  cried,  "  No 
coercion,"  while  preparing  to  strike  us.  Bully  like,  they  pro 
posed  to  fight  us,  because  they  said  they  could  whip  five  to  one  ; 
and  now,  when  driven  back,  they  whine  out,  "  No  invasion," 
and  promise  us  of  the  West  permission  to  navigate  the  Missis 
sippi,  if  we  will  be  "good  boys,"  and  do  as  they  bid  us. 

Whenever  they  have  the  power,  they  drive  before  them  into 
their  ranks  the  Southern  people,  and  they  would  also  drive 
us.  Trust  them  not.  Were  they  able,  they  would  invade  and 
destroy  us  without  mercy.  Absolutely  assured  of  these  things, 
I  am  amazed  that  any  one  could  think  of  "  peace  on  any  terms." 
He  who  entertains  the  sentiment  is  fit  only  to  be  a  slave  ;  he 
•who  utters  it  at  this  time  is,  moreover,  a  traitor  to  his  country, 
who  deserves  the  scorn  and  contempt  of  all  honorable  men. 

9*18159 


When  the  power  of  the  unscrupulous  rebel  leaders  is  removed, 
and  the  people  are  free  to  consider  and  act  for  their  own 
interests,  which  are  common  with  ours,  under  this  Government, 
there  will  be  no  great  difficulty  in  fraternization.  Between 
our  tastes  and  social  life  there  are  fewer  differences  than  be 
tween  those  of  the  people  of  the  Northern  and  Southern  Pro 
vinces  of  England  or  Ireland. 

Hoping  the  time  may  speedily  come,  when  the  power  of  the 
perfidious  and  cruel  tyrant  of  this  rebellion  having  been  over 
thrown,  a  peace  may  be  laid  on  the  broad  foundation  of  national 
unity  and  equal  justice  to  all,  under  the  Constitution  and  Laws, 
I  remain  your  fellow-citizen, 

W.  S.  ROSECRANS,  Major-General. 


ANOTHER  LETTER  FROM  GENERAL  ROSECRANS. 

He  does  not  believe  in  Syren  Songs  of  Peace. 

GENERAL  ROSECRANS  has  written  the  following  letter  to  the 
Cincinnati  Common  Council : 

HEAD-QUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND,  "I 

Murfreesboro1 1  Tenn.  j 

GENTLEMEN  : — I  have  just  received  and  read  the  resolutions 
passed  at  your  meeting  on  the  10th  inst.,  complimenting  this 
army,  the  Ohio  troops,  and  the  Commanding  General,  for  their 
bravery  displayed  at  the  battle  of  Stone's  River. 

On  behalf  of  this  noble  army  and  its  gallant  leaders,  I  accept 
this  expression  of  your  sympathy  and  praise,  with  pride,  and 
all  the  more  heartfelt  because  you  are  my  fellow-citizens ;  and 
your  words  touch  me  by  their  tones  of  friendly  sincerity,  while 
they  fill  my  thoughts  with  the  sweet  memories  of  home,  for  the 
safety  of  which,  and  each  of  you,  we,  who  are  far  away,  are 
willing  to  lay  down  our  lives. 

May  no  syren  song  of  peace,  founded  on  the  delusive  hopes 
of  honor,  truth,  or  justice  of  the  rebel  leaders,  induce  us  to 
peril  both  honor  and  the  safety  of  our  homes.  If  never  per 
mitted  to  enjoy  those  dear  homes  ourselves,  we  will  at  least 
endeavor  to  leave  them  safe  and  free,  under  the  Constitution 
and  Laws,  to  our  posterity. 

I  have  the  honor,  gentlemen,  to  remain,  with  great  respect, 
your  obedient  servant, 

W.  S.  ROSECRANS,  Mcy  or- General: 
To  the  Honorable  Mayor  and  Common   Council,  Cincinnati 

Ohio. 


Gov,  Cannon's  Message  and  Proclamation, 

STATE  OF  DELAWARE,  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT, 


To  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  'of  thz  State"  of 

Delaware  in  General  Assembly  met':     /,   :  .*,  *>  ,  ,,  , 

The  passage  by  the  General  Assembly  "of1  the  Act  entitled, 
"  An  Act  to  prevent  illegal  arrests  in  this  State,"  renders  it 
proper  that  I  should  briefly  communicate  my  views  and  purpose 
in  relation  to  it. 

It  is  with  regret  that  I  differ  with  the  General  Assembly  in 
reference  to  the  policy  of  the  State  upon  any  subject,  or  that 
I  should  feel  compelled  to  decline  co-operation  with  a  co-ordi 
nate  branch  of  the  Government  in  carrying  out  any  measure 
which,  in.  its  judgment,  is  promotive  of  the  public  welfare. 

My  duty,  however,  is  too  plainly  laid  down  to  be  mistaken, 
and  the  obligation  I  have  assumed  too  solemn  to  be  disregarded 
and  too  imperative  to  admit  of  hesitation.  Had  I  any  desire 
to  shrink  from  its  fulfilment,  the  views  which  I  had  the  honor 
to  submit  to  you  in  my  Inaugural  Address  are  too  recent  to 
have  escaped  my  remembrance. 

The  preamble  of  the  Act  refers  to  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  as  providing  that  no  person  shall  "  be  deprived 
of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due  process  of  law,"  but  it 
ought  also  to  have  been  recollected  that  the  same  Constitution 
provides  that,  in  case  of  rebellion  or  invasion,  the  privilege  of 
the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  may  be  suspended  when  the  public 
safety  requires  it,  and  the  dangerous  person  may  be  arrested 
and  held  without  bail  or  mainprize.  • 

This  provision  overrides  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of 
Delaware  or  any  statute  that  may  be  enacted  by  her  Legis 
lature. 

To  whom  the  right  to  decide  when  the  exigency  has  hap 
pened  requiring  the  exercise  of  the  power  of  suspension  is  a 
question  of  Constitutional  construction  upon  which  jurists 
differ.  That  it  is  a  necessary  power  is  admitted.  That  it 
exists,  there  can  be  no  doubt.  Whoever  is  invested  with  the 
power  to  suspend,  is  the  sole  judge  of  the  occasion  of  its 
exercise.  Being  incidental  to  the  general  duty  of  the 
enforcement  of  the  laws  and  now  callled  into  exercise 
for  the  suppression  of  armed  insurrection,  I  am  satisfied 
that  it  properly  belongs  to  the  National  Executive,  and  in  my 
official  acts,  I  shall  regard  it  as  vested  in  the  President  of  the 
United  States. 


6 

The  preservation  of  the  Government  is  the  highest  duty  of 
those  charged  with  its  administration,  and  the  personal  liberty 
of  the  individual  is  only  to  be  regarded  when  compatible  with 
its  safety.  That  the  citizen  should  have  the  right  fairly  to 
discwgs  public  v;i&ca£u]?es  is  true.  That  the  people  should  be 
permitted*  pea'ceabiy  to  assemble  and  petition  for  a  redress  of 
grievances-^  Underfaabfe.  But  there  is  a  wide  difference  be- 
t?veen>'  the 'exercise1  of  this  right  and  the  disloyal  opposition 
which  proceeds  from  sympathy  with  a  public  enemy.  The 
former  supposes  that  all  parties  are  well  affected  towards  the 
common  Government,  and  differ  only  as  to  the  mode  of  its  ad 
ministration.  The  latter  is  based  upon  hostility  to  existing 
institutions  and  aims  at  their  forcible  subversion.  The  idea, 
that  the  Government  is  bound  to  await  the  development  of  a 
conspiracy  until  the  actors  shall  have  perfected  their  plans 
and  committed  some  overt  act  necessary  to  bring  them  within 
the  technical  definition  of  treason,  is,  to  my  mind,  absurd.  The 
object  is  not  punishment  but  prevention.  That  the  power  is 
liable  to  abuse  is  true ;  all  discretionary  powers,  necessarily,  are 
so.  To  decide  against  its  existence  because  it  is  capable  of 
excess  would  destroy  all  human  government.  The  best  mode 
to  avoid  liability  to  arrest  is  to  be  faithful.  No  man  who 
is  truly  and  unequivocally  loyal  has  ever  been  in  danger  of 
being  molested  by  the  National  Government. 

Still  it  is  possible  that  arrests  may  be  improperly  and  unad 
visedly  made ;  and  while  it  is  my  duty  to  co-operate  with  the 
General  Government  in  the  maintenance  of  its  authority,  I 
will  at  the  same  time,  to  the  extent  of  my  power,  protect 
peaceable  and  loyal  citizens,  whatever  may  be  their  political 
sentiments.  While,  however,  such  is  my  purpose  in  relation 
to  them,  it  is  also  my  duty  to  take  care  that  the  State  of  Dela 
ware  shall  not  be  made  the  refuge  of  foreign  traitors  or  do 
mestic  conspirators. 

That  there  has  been  from  the  beginning  of  the  rebellion,  a 
considerable  number  of  our  people  ready  to  participate  in  armed 
resistance  to  the  lawful  authorities,  whenever  a  fair  oppor 
tunity  should  occur,  I  have  no  doubt.  Sympathy  with  the 
Southern  States  in  insurrection,  is  sympathy  with  the  over 
throw  of  the  National'  Government.  No  man  can  hear  with 
gratification  of  a  reverse  to  our  arms  who  is  not,  at  heart,  a 
traitor. 

My  predecessor,  in  an  official  communication,  expressed  the 
opinion  that  "  a  majority  of  our  citizens,  if  not  in  all  of  our 
counties,  at  least  in  the  two  lower  ones,  sympathize  with  the 
South."  Without  admitting  the  correctness  of  his  estimate  of 


numbers,  I  do  not  doubt  of  the  existence  of  wide-spread  dis 
affection.  That  there  has  been  no  outbreak  here  is  the  result 
of  want  of  opportunity.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  Executive  not 
only  of  the  United  States,  but  of  this  State,  to  take  care  that 
no  opportunity  shall  be  afforded.  If  to  secure  the  public 
peace,  and  to  prevent  insurrection,  it  becomes  necessary  to 
arrest  any  individual  within  this  State,  whether  he  be  a  citizen 
or  a  non-resident,  I  will  not  only  assent  to  the  act,  but  will 
maintain  it. 

Invested  by  the  Constitution  with  no  power  of  veto  or  re 
view  of  the  action  of  the  Legislature,  the  Governor  has  a 
general  control  over  the  operation  of  criminal  enactments,  and 
such  control  I  will  exercise  to  its  uttermost  extent  to  protect 
any  person  acting  under  the  authority  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  or  any  citizen  aiding  such  person  in  bringing 
to  light  any  conspiracy,  or  in  arresting  any  one  guilty  of  dis 
loyal  practices  or  treasonable  designs  against  the  Government. 

I  shall  issue  my  proclamation  in  conformity  with  these  views, 
giving  to  the  people  of  the  State  of  Delaware  information  of 
my  intended  action. 

WILLIAM  CANNON. 


PROCLAMATION. 

TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  STATE  OF  DELAWARE. 

In  a  special  Message,  communicated  to  the  General  Assembly 
on  the  third  day  of  March  instant,  I  informed  that  body  of  my 
purpose  to  issue  my  Proclamation  in  relation  to  the  Act  en 
titled  "An  Act  to  prevent  illegal  arrests  in  this  State,"  and 
therein  briefly  set  forth  the  reasons  which  impelled  me  to  this 
conclusion. 

Its  provisions  are  at  variance  with  the  interest  of  the  State 
— calculated  to  lessen  the  estimation  in  which  her  people  are 
held,  as  faithful  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States — to 
embolden  those  who  sympathize  with  rebellion  and  to  dis 
courage  loyal  men  from  the  performance  of  their  duty  in  dis 
covering  and  thwarting  the  designs  of  the  emissaries  of  treason. 
To  the  end  therefore  that  the  evil  operation  of  the  enactment 
may  be  averted,  and  loyal  citizens  may  feel  secure  in  their 
efforts  against  foreign  traitors  and  domestic  conspirators  : 

I,  WILLIAM  CANNON,  GOVERNOR  OF  THE  STATE  OF 
DELAWARE,  do,  by  this  my  Proclamation,  enjoin  upon  the 
good  people  of  this  State,  that  they  hold  true  allegiance  to  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  as  paramount  to  the  State  of 
Delaware,  and  that  they  obey  the  constituted  authorities 


thereof  before  the  Legislature  of  the  State  of  Delaware  or  any 
other  human  authority  whatsoever. 

I  further  enjoin,  that  they  be  vigilant  in  detecting  any  con 
spiracy  against  the  National  Government,  and  diligent  in  pre 
venting  aid  and  comfort  to  the  public  enemy — that  they 
promptly  assist  the  National  magistracy  "whenever  invoked, 
and  that  they  freely  communicate  any  information  which  may 
the  better  enable  it  to  prevent  or  suppress  insurrection  or  to 
intercept  supplies  designed  for  those  in  arms  against  its  au 
thority  ;  and  any  one  so  acting,  I  will  save  harmless  from  the 
operation  of  the  Statute  aforesaid  or  of  any  other  Statute  of 
like  nature,  that  may  be  enacted,  so  far  as  it  shall  be  at 
tempted  to  be  enforced  against  him  for  faithfully  discharging 
his  duty  to  his  country. 

,— * — -s     In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand 

{)       and  caused  the  Great  Seal  of  the  said  State  to 
L'  S*    j      be  affixed  at  Dover  this  eleventh  day  of  March, 
v— v — '         in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  eight  hun 
dred  and  sixty-three,  and  of  the  Independence 
of  said  State  the  eighty-seventh. 

WILLIAM  CANNON. 
By  the  Governor, 
N.  B.  SMITHERS, 
Secretary  of  State. 


AN  ARGUMENT  FROM  AN  OLD  DEMOCRAT, 

We  find  the  following  letter,  from  an  old  Democrat,  in  the 
Washington  Chronicle.  It  meets  the  question  of  the  rebellion 
so  fairly  that  we  think  it  worthy  of  reproduction  : 

As  to  our  public  affairs,  I  can  well  imagine  that  any  one  in 
a  foreign  land,  who  should  read  the  accounts  of  our  military 
failures,  and  the  speeches  of  semi-traitors  in  Congress  and  else 
where,  might  despair  of  success  in  our  contest  with  rebellion  ; 
but  I  have  not  lost  "  one  jot  of  heart  or  hope."  Just  see  how 
we  stand.  It  is  almost  amazing  that  with  few  decided  victories, 
several  apparently  disastrous  defeats,  and  many  repulses,  the 
Union  cause  has  all  the  time  made,  like  the  moving  glacier,  a 
slow  but  resistless  advance.  Contrast  our  situation  with  that 
of  the  rebels.  We  have  gained  nearly  all  of  Tennessee,  sub 
stantially  all  of  Kentucky,  Missouri,  and  Maryland,  a  great 
part  of  Virginia,  Louisiana,  and  Florida,  and  have  impregnable 


9 

positions  in  Arkansas,  Mississippi,  North  and  South  Carolina. 
Maryland  and  Missouri  are  at  this  moment  as  loyal  as  Vermont. 
The  people  of  the  loyal  States  were  never  richer  in  all  the  ele 
ments  of  wealth  and  prosperity.  Plentiful  crops  have  rewarded 
the  husbandman  ;*  mechanics  and  artisans  find  full  employment 
at  fair  wages ;  commerce  is  wonderfully  active,  and  manufac 
tories  declare  unexampled  dividends.  Many  articles  of  neces 
sity  and  luxury  are  somewhat  varied  in  price,  but  so  slightly 
that  the  difference  in  the  cost  of  living  is  hardly  noticed ;  while 
employment  for  the  laboring  classes  has  been  so  steady  and  re 
munerative,  that  our  poorhouses  have  never  contained  so  few 
inmates  as  during  the  past  two  years,  and  no  complaint  of 
"hard  times"  comes  from  any  of  our  cities.  With  the  rebels, 
the  prices  show  that  the  direst  destitution  prevails  in  every 
thing  but  the  coarsest  food  and  clothing,  and  even  these  are  at 
prices  that  place  them  almost  beyond  the  reach  of  the  poor. 

I  copied  a  few  days  ago  the  following  prices  at  Mobile,  and 
they  are  no  less  at  Richmond :  flour  $30  to  §50  a  barrel ;  tea 
$12  to  §15  per  Ib. ;  coffee  §3  to  §5  per  Ib. ;  molasses  §5  a  gal 
lon  ;  potatoes  $3  to  §4  a  bushel ;  poor  tallow  candles  30  cents 
a  piece ;  salt  65  cents  per  Ib. ;  flannel  §10  a  yard ;  shoes  §15 
to  §25  a  pair ;  boots  §50  to  §65  a  pair  ;  soap  §1  25  per  Ib. ; 
spool  cotton  thread  §1  25  a  spool ;  kerosene  oil  §20  a  gallon, 
and  other  articles  in  proportion.  These  are  but  samples  of 
the  lowest  prices  for  the  necessaries  of  life  in  unhappy  Secessia, 
and  as  the  cost  has  increased,  the  ability  of  the  impoverished 
inhabitants  to  pay  has  diminished.  I  should  honor  the  persis 
tent  spirit  of  the  rebels  under  great  privation,  if  it  were  not 
exhibited  in  such  an  infamous  cause ;  but  human  endurance 
cannot  sustain  want  and  calamity  forever.  With  all  their 
vsuccesses,  distress  and  ruin  draw  nearer  and  nearer  to  their 
households,  and  after  every  victory  they  have  gained,  the  fruits 
of  victory  seem  to  have  melted  in  their  grasp.  It  is  enough  to 
fill  us  with  wonder  and  awe,  for  never  was  the  hand  of  the 
Almighty  more  visibly  shown  than  in  this  war.  I  have  been 
all  my  adult  life  a  pro-slavery  Democrat ;  not  in  favor  of  the 
"  institution"  per  «e,  but  willing  to  let  it  alone,  or  even  extend 
it,  so  far  as  the  Constitution  would  allow  it  to  be  done.  I  now 
know  that  God  has  permitted  our  defeats  as  the  wisest,  surest 
way  to  burst  the  bonds  of  the  slave,  and  let  the  eternal  sun 
shine  of  freedom  gild  all  our  land.  Had  we  been  decidedly 
successful  in  any  of  our  great  battles,  and  brought  the  rebels 
at  once  to  submission,  the  revolted  States  would  have  come 
back  with  slavery  unimpaired  and  probably  even  strength 
ened.  And  see  how  near  to  a  great  victory  we  have  been  in 


10 

every  great  defeat,  and  what  apparently  trivial  causes  produced 
them  all.  At  the  first  battle  of  Bull  Run,  a  causeless  panic 
after  the  enemy  had  commenced  retreating ;  at  the  battle  of 
Fair  Oaks,  the  failure  to  push  on  when  we  had  in  effect  won 
the  field ;  at  Antictam,  by  previously  placing  in  command  of 
the  heights  at  Harper's  Ferry,  an  ass  and  a  traitor,  who  basely 
fwrrendered  eleven  thousand  men  and  a  strong  position,  with 
out  a  fight,  and  by  the  subsequent  failure  to  improve  the 
advantages  won  at  Antietam ;  at  the  second  Bull  Run,  the  re 
treat  of  our  forces  from  Thoroughfare  Gap  at  double  quick,  on 
the  28th  of  August,  not  having  seen  an  enemy,  but  having  fired 
furiously  at  nothing  till  our  commander  became  panic-stricken 
at  the  sound  of  his  own  cannon ;  the  subsequent  unopposed 
passage  of  Longstreet  and  all  his. forces,  on  the  29th,  through 
the  Gap  which  two  thousand  men  should  hold  against  the  world ; 
his  junction  with  Jackson  in  time  to  defeat  us,  with  the  aid  of 
Fitz  John  Porter's  inaction,  on  the  30th ;  at  Fredericksburg, 
the  failure  of  the  pontoons  to  arrive  in  season.  And  yet  every 
defeat  struck  a  link  from  the  fetters  of  the  slave,  and  without 
every  one  of  them  the  President's  proclamation  of  freedom 
would  not  have  been  issued.  Saving  the  noble  blood  that  was 
shed  upon  the  Union  side,  every  battle  was  seemingly  lost  by 
all  these  defeats  ;  but  after  each  the  voice  of  the  slave  was 
heard,  at  first  like  a  faint  echo,  but  now  loud  and  clear  above 
the  din  of  arms.  A  short  time  ago  the  idea  of  enlisting  negro 
soldiers  was  derided.  Now  we  have  several  regiments  of  them, 
and  their  swarthy  forms  arc  thought  to  harmonize  well  with 
the  smoke  of  battle.  Our  apparent  disasters  were  fraught 
with  a  purpose  of  Infinite  Wisdom,  for  whenever  before  did 
defeat  bring  strength,  and  victory  weakness  ? 

We  have  heretofore  looked  with  some  anxiety  for  the  de 
velopment  of  European  opinion  and  policy  in  this  contest.  That 
anxiety  exists  no  longer.  Like  the  young  lion  in  the  fable, 
we  have  found  out  that  we  are  strong,  and  we  no  more  dread 
intervention  or  hostility.  Within  less  than  two  years  we  have 
brought  into  the  field  upwards  of  twelve  hundred  and  thirty 
thousand  men,  perfectly  armed  and  equipped ;  and  we  have  now 
an  army  such  as  the  world  never  saw  before,  with  a  navy  equal 
to  any  on  earth.  Our  small  arms,  artillery,  mortars,  and  Dahl- 
grcns  almost  defy  enumeration.  Yet  nil  this  warlike  force  and 
enginery  has  been  brought  into  being  without  extraordinary 
effort,  and  the  expense  has  scarcely  touched  the  National  re 
sources.  We  have  a  reserve,  constantly  increasing,  of  more 
than  eight  hundred  millions  of  dollars  in  specie  in  the  country, 
and  our  finances  have  been  managed  with  such  ability  by  Mr. 


11 

Chase,  that  confidence  in  our  public  securities  is  vastly  greater 
than  at  the  close  of  Mr.  Buchanan's  administration,  and  not  a 
murmur  is  heard  against  the  National  paper  currency,  which 
passes  as  readily  as  gold  ever  did.  It  is  also  true  that  the 
strong  common  sense  and  straightforward  honesty  of  the  Presi 
dent  have  proved  a  tower  of  strength  with  the  people,  and  they 
trust  him  and  his  policy. 

As  to  the  blockade,  the  representations  made  in  Europe  of 
its  ineffectiveness  are  the  effusions  of  stupidity  or  malice.  The 
history  of  the  world  does  not  record  another  blockade  equal  in 
rigorand  effectiveness  to  that  which  now  seals  up  Southern  ports. 
Let  Secessia  speak  for  herself.  Mr.  Memrninger,  the  rebel 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  in  his  recent  report,  states  that  the 
whole  amount  of  duties  on  foreign  imports  received  in  nearly 
two  years,  is  only  about  six  hundred  thousand  dollars,  or  less 
than  the  yearly  income  of  many  an  English  gentleman  !  With 
a  high  tariff,  is  not  this  a  ludicrous  result,  and  does  it  show 
that  vessels  with  foreign  cargoes  easily  elude  the  blockade  ? 
While  European  sympathizers  prate  of  the  inefficiency  of  the 
blockade,  more  honest  rebeldom  holds  out  in  one  hand  a  pair  of 
boots  labeled  $50,  in  the  other  a  spool  of  cotton  labeled 
$1  50,  and  begs  a  pound  of  good  tea  for  $15.  If  the  blockade 
were  not  effective  beyond  all  precedent,  would  cotton  sell  at 
Havana  at  seven  hundred  per  cent,  advance  on  the  price  at 
Charleston  or  Savannah,  a  few  hundred  miles  off — almost  within 
a  day's  sail  ?  It  is  certainly  possible  for  a  vessel  to  pass  in  or 
out  of  a  harbor  without  discovery,  on  a  dark  night,  within  a 
hundred  feet  of  a  man-of-war ;  but  does  that  prove  that  block 
ading  ships  must  be  nearer  than  one  hundred  feet  to  each  other 
in  order  to  have  the  blockade  recognized  as  effective  ? 


SPEECH  OF  HON.  DANIEL  S.  DICKINSON, 

A  life-long  Democrat,  but  one  Loyal  to  his  Flag  and  Country. 

Among  the  speakers  on  Washington's  Birthday,  in  New  York, 
Feb.  22nd,  was  the  Hon.  DANIEL  S.  DICKINSON,  "the  old  Demo 
cratic  War-Horse, "  and  a  supporter  of  Brcckinridge  at  the 
last  Presidential  election.  He  now  avows  himself  an  uncom 
promising  union  man,  opposed  to  all  terms  with  rebels,  in 
favor  of  emancipation',  and  of  employing  negro  soldiers.  We 
copy  a  portion  of  his  speech. 


12 

What  shall  the  Empire  State  say  ?  What  shall  the  Empire 
State  do  in  this  emergency  ?  There  is  no  half-way  house — 
there  are  no  compromise  measures  here.  There  are  two  great 
antagonisms,  a  government  and  a  rebellion,  a  government  at 
Washington,  a  rebellion  hatched  in  hell  [cheers].  Where  shall 
she  cast  her  potential  voice  ?  She  has  taken  up  her  position 
with  the  government  which  she  helped  to  found,  and  of  which 
she  sits  empress  crowning  this  mighty  court.  We  say,  the 
Empire  State  shall  say :  War,  uncompromising  war  [loud  cheer 
ing],  war  to  the  knife  [continued  cheering],  until  the  rebellion 
is  put  down  [applause].  If  a  riot  should  arise  in  your  city  here, 
would  our  friend,  the  Mayor,  send  out  an  ambassador  of  peace, 
or  would  he  send  out  the  representatives  of  the  law  in  their 
majesty  to  crush  it  down  to  darkness  and  to  dust  ?  [Cheers.] 
It  is  a  question  between  the  government  and  the  rebellion.  It 
has  been  nothing  else,  it  is  nothing  else,  and  it  never  will  be 
anything  else ;  and  you  may  baptize  it  at  the  font  of  infidel 
politics  as  often  as  you  choose,  and  when  it  comes  out  the  same 
bastard  of  rebellion  will  be  seen  [laughter  and  cheers].  But 
it  is  feared  by  the  politicians  that  some  incidents  may  be  drawn 
in  that  may  be  uncomfortable.  This  reminds  me  of  a  trans 
migration  philosopher  who  begged  a  man  to  desist  from  the 
chastisement  of  a  dog,  for,  he  said  he  could  recognize  in  its 
howl  the  voice  of  a  deceased  friend.  There  are  a  great  many 
politicians,  I  think  now,  who  the  moment  they  hear  slavery 
crying,  believe  they  hear  the  voice  of  a  deceased  friend  [loud 
laughter  and  applause].  Now,  I  have  been  one^of  those  con 
servative  people,  not  according  to  the  modern  doctrine  of  con 
servatism — for  I  was  old-fashioned  in  my  definition — but  I  was 
for  letting  the  institution  of  slavery  entirelyalone  to  work  out  its 
own  problem  under  the  guidance  of  a  beneficent  Providence — not 
interfering  with  it  in  any  shape  or  manner,  but  leaving  it  to 
the  localities  where  it  existed,  to  be  dealt  with  in  their  own 
time  and  way.  When  'they  said,  Constitution,  I  said,  Con 
stitution."  When  they  appealed  to  that  as  their  shield,  I 
invoked  its  protection  for  them.  When  they  said,  Powder,  I 
said,  Powder  [applause].  And  when  they  inquired,  Who  can 
make  war  upon  the  Beast  ?  I  said  the  American  people  [cheer 
ing].  I  have  had  no  anxieties  upon  this  subject,  except  to 
afford  them  the  shield  of  the  Constitution,  so  long  as  they 
invoked  it.  But  when  they  threw  it  away,  when  they  resorted 
to  arms,  I  said  then,  Put  them  down  by  the  whole  power  of  the 
American  people  [applause].  And  I  say  so  now  [cheers], 
I  was  an  old-fashioned  Democrat,  as  you  may  remember.  1 
ani  a  Democrat  now  [applause]  of  the  straightest  sect.  But  a 


13 

great  many  who  were  Abolitionists  when  I  was  a  Democrat 
— or  tried  to  be  if  it  paid  well — now  call  me  to  account,  and 
say  I  am  radical,  very  radical,  indeed,  and  they  are  con 
servative.  Well,  I  will  admit1  they  are  conservative  in  one 
sense,  and  only  one,  and  that  is  not  the  etymological  or  tech 
nical  sense,  but  it  is  the  American  sense,  and  that  is,  opposed 
to  the  Government  and  all  its  institutions  and  interests  [ap 
plause].  They  say  I  am  radical.  I  admit  I  am  radical,  if  this 
is  radicalism ;  if  they  intend  by  this  that  I  ana  for  making  this 
cure  complete,  and  thorough,  and  effectual,  then  I  am  radical, 
for,  being  fairly  in,  I  have  an  idea  to  see  this  war  fairly  out. 
The  question  of  Emancipation  has  become  one  of  the  questions 
of  the  day.  It  cannot  be  blinked  any  longer ;  and  I  have 
no  disposition  to  get  around  it.  I  will  meet  it  as  I  have  always 
met  questions.  Many  of  you  thought  I  was  on  the  wrong  side  ; 
but  I  always  took  one  side.  I  never  took  both  sides  of  any 
question  [laughter  and  cheers].  I  took  the  side  of  letting  this 
question  entirely  alone,  so  long  as  they  appealed  to  the  Consti 
tution  ;  when  they  threw  that  away,  and  repudiated  it,  I  said 
as  I  say  now — and  I  want  the 'reporters  to  be  sure  to  get  me 
down — I  speak  for  the  benefit  of  political  sneaks  generally 
[cheering] — I  say  that  the  only  safe-guard  of  slavery  was  the 
recognition  of  the  Constitution ;  that  the  opinion  of  the  world 
is  against  it;  all  the  instincts  of  humanity  and  religion  are 
against  it;  the  advance  of  civilization  is  against  it ;  the  interests 
— moral,  material,  commercial  and  religious — of  the  country 
are  all  against  it ;  and  while  I  would  prosecute  the  war  solely 
and  entirely  for  the  purpose  of  putting  down  this  rebellion,  if 
slavery  happens  to  go  along  with  it,  I  will  hold  up  both  my 
hands  and  cry  amen  to  putting  them  both  down  [great  applause]. 


LESSONS  OF  THE  PAST-SHALL  WE  HEED  THEM. 

A  WORD  OF  WARNING  TO  ALL  LOYAL   MEN,  WHIGS,   DEMOCRATS, 

REPUBLICANS,  OR  WHATEVER   YOUR   PARTY  NAME   HAS 

BEEN,  TO  UNITE  IN  SOLEMN  LEAGUE  TO  CRUSH 

THE  DISUNIONISTS. 

Three  years  ago  there  was  as  little  prospect  that  our  coun 
try  would  be  in  its  present  condition  as  there  is  now  that  three 
years  hence  we.  shall  be  taking  our  hats  off  to  a  military  despot. 


14 

There  were,  to  be  sure,  Southern  men  who  had  for  years 
avowed  the  hateful  doctrine  of  secession,  but  it  seemed  too  ab 
surd  to  be  seriously  contemplated.  Nobody  conceived  that 
the  high  functionaries  of  the  Government  would  basely  betray 
the  confidence  of  the  people,  and  while  we  were  flattering  our 
selves  that  the  sullen  spirit  of  revolt  would  not  dare  to  exalt 
itself  against  the  national  arm,  that  arm  itself  was  supporting 
rebellion  and  giving  it  the  most  formidable  attitude.  When  at 
length  all  doubt  of  the  design  of  the  insurgents  to  sacrifice  the 
life  of  the  country  upon  the  altar  of  a  reckless  ambition  was 
dispelled,  it  was  supposed  that  a  summer  campaign  of  a  few 
thousand  soldiers  would  bring  them  to  terms  and  all  things 
would  fall  back  into  the  old  routine.  But  we  were  too  fast. 
The  war  soon  assumed  a  terrific  magnitude,  and  now  the  nation 
reels  under  the  shock.  We  plainly  see  that  we  handled  the 
plotters  of  secession  too  gingerly.  We  gave  them  either  too 
much  or  too  little  rope — Old  Hickory  would  say  too  little.  We 
allowed  our  unprincipled  politicians  to  dally  with  them  for  per 
sonal  or  party  ends,  at  the  expense  of  the  loyal  and  patriotic 
feeling  of  the  country,  and  we  are  now  reaping  the  conse 
quences. 

We  are  at  this  moment  in  a  position  to  profit  by  this  dear- 
bought  experience.  There  are  two  contending  forces  in  the 
field — the  conservative  force  or  Union  men,  bent  upon  uphold 
ing  the  government  because  it  is  the  government,  and  the  de 
structive  force  or  disloyal  men,  who  are  bent  upon  subverting 
it.  To  one  or  the  other  of  these  forces  every  citizen  is  lending 
his  influence.  In  the  nature  of  the  case  there  can  be  no  such 
thing  as  neutrality  on  a  foot  of  American  soil.  Those  who  are 
not  for  the  government  are  against  it,  and  should  be  so  regarded 
in  all  our  estimates  of  character  and  strength.  In  our  cities, 
and  indeed  throughout  the  loyal  States,  there  are  those  who 
vilify  the  government  and  denounce  its  measures,  counseling 
open  or  secret  resistance  to  its  authority.  Loyal  people  are 
disposed  to  flatter  themselves  that  no  harm  will  come  from  it ; 
these  "  copperheads,"  as  they  call  them,  will  bluster  and 
threaten  for  a  little  while,  and  then  wriggle  themselves  out  of 
sight.  Past  experience  ought  to  teach  us  better.  A  few  hun 
dred  men,  meeting  together  here  and  there,  to  be  harangued 
by  unprincipled  demagogues,  may  not  be  regarded  with  much 
apprehension.  But  their  ignorance  is  imposed  upon,  their 
worst  passions  are  inflamed,  they  are  imbued  with  a  spirit  of 
violence  and  misrule,  and  are  prepared  to  act  their  part  when 
the  plot  is  sufficiently  ripened  to  need  their  services.  Are  we 
wise  to  look  upon  such  influences  with  indifference  ?  If  no 


15 

other  defence  is  practicable  or  safe,  can  we  not  bring  public 
opinion  to  our  aid,  and  make  disloyalty  as  discreditable  as  it 
is  mischievous  ? 

One  thing  is  clear  :  The  only  way  of  accomplishing  the 
avowed  purposes  of  disunionists  is  by  revolution.  The  Jacobin 
doctrines  that  have  been  avowed  with  such  effronetry  of  late 
contemplate  nothing  but  this ;  and  the  only  course  that  can 
prevent  their  culminating  in  deadly  conflict  in  our  streets  is  the 
force  of  public  opinion.  Let  these  revolutionary  doctrines 
spread  and  the  North  will  become  the  theatre  of  bloody  strife, 
terminating  in  irretrievable  ruin.  If  true  Union  men  all  over 
the  country  combine  to  support  the  Government,  because  it  is 
the  Government,  rather  than  encounter  the  horrors  of  anarchy, 
or  the  equal  horrors  of  an  oligarchy  with  negro  slavery  for  its 
corner-stone,  disloyalty  will  disappear  like  the  morning  cloud 
and  the  early  dew.  There  is  more  than  loyalty  enough  in  the 
country  to  save  it,  if  it  can  but  be  concentrated.  But  in  the 
absence  of  such  concentration  the  spirit  of  disunion  will  grow 
and  spread,  and  increase  in  audacity,  till,  like  secession  itself, 
it  becomes  too  formidable  for  any  moral  power  to  cope  with  it. 
And  then  we  shall  witness  scenes  the  mere  description  of  which, 
in  the  annals  of  revolutionary  France,  chills  the  blood.  We 
shall  then  wonder  that,  forewarned,  we  did  not  forearm  our 
selves,  and  by  a  timely  rally  everywhere  of  such  as  are  true  to 
the  national  banner,  put  to  shame  and  silence  its  enemies  and 
traducers.  Let  the  loyal  sentiment  of  the  country  be  fairly 
represented,  as  it  is  beginning  to  be,  and  the  disciples  of  seces 
sion,  of  every  stripe,  would  soon  become  as  rare,  north  of  Dixie, 
as  frogs,  toads,  and  snakes  are  in  old  Ireland. 


THE  ARMY  AND  THE  COPPERHEADS. 

A  Voice  from  the  One  Hundred  and  Forty- ninth  Pennsylvania  Eucktails,  en 
camped  near  Belle  Plain,  Virginia. 

Whereas,  There  is  being  nourished  and  encouraged  among 
a  certain  class  of  politicians  in  the  North  a  sentiment  of  oppo 
sition  to  the  Administration ;  and, 

Whereas,  This  sentiment  and  such  a  course  as  those  who 
adhere  to  it  are  pursuing,  is,  at  this  critical  juncture,  nothing 
less  than  treachery  to  the  Grovernment  and  intended  encourage 
ment  to  covert  traitors  in  our  front ;  Therefore, 

Resolved,  That  we  hold  a  cordial  support  and  quick  obedi 
ence  to  the  Administration  to  be  the  first  duty  of  all,  and  the 
only  doorway  out  of  these  troublous  times ;  therefore,  we 


16 

earnestly  entreat  all  citizens  and  all  soldiers  to  support 
heartily  and  obey  with  alacrity  all  laws  and  orders  coming 
from  those  charged  with  the  administration  of  our  Government. 

Resolved,  That  we  recognize  the  fearful  struggle  our  country 
is  now  engaged  in,  as  a  struggle  of  freedom  against  slavery, 
right  against  wrong,  of  God  against  Satan ;  and  we  hold  those 
who  are  against  the  Administration  as  against  the  G-overnment, 
against  right,  against  the  Constitution  and  the  glorious  liberties 
of  which  it  is  the  guarantee,  and  we  brand  them  as  traitors, 
while  we  assure  them  of  our  unmitigated  hatred  and  contempt. 

Resolved,  That  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  and  the  Con 
scription  Act — those  measures  most  odious  to  insidious  peace 
men,  Copperheads,  and  traitors  under  other  titles — meet  with 
our  hearty  approval,  as  measures  dictated  by  the  best  adminis 
trative  wisdom  and  firmness,  for  the  honest  purpose  and  in  the 
earnest  effort  to  suppress  rebellion,  and  save  to  posterity  our 
noble  Republican  Government. 

Resolved,  That  the  lying  reports  spread  broadcast  through 
out  the  land,  that  the  army  of  which  we  have  the  honor  to 
form  a  part  is  demoralized  and  clamoring  for  peace,  are  but 
the  base  utterances  of  traitorous  rogues,  and  do  our  gallant 
comrades  in  the  field  the  grossest  injustice. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  ready  and  willing  to  put  forth  every 
effort,  endure  every  species  of  hardship  and  fatigue — do  any 
thing  and  everything  required  to  suppress  the  accursed  war 
now  being  waged  against  us ;  that  we  have  the  fullest  confi 
dence  in  the  present  Administration  and  generals  over  us,  and 
particularly  of  the  Head  of  the  army,  with  which  we  are  imme 
diately  connected. 

Resolved,  That  we  will  never  give  up  the  noble  cause  in 
which  we  are  now  engaged  until,  under  the  good  guidance  of 
Jcind  Providence,  treason  and  rebellion  shall  be  banished  from 
the  Union  of  States,  when  the  old  flag,  doubly  dear  from  its 
double  baptism  in  the  best  blood  of  our  land,  shall  again  wave 
proudly  over  all. 

The  above  resolutions  were  offered  to  the  One  Hundred  and 
Forty-ninth  Pennsylvania  Bucktails,  by  Col.  WALTON  DWIGIIT, 
commanding,  at  dress  parade,  March  18,  and  were  unanimously 
adopted  by  the  regiment.  Speeches,  appropriate  and  becoming 
the  times,  were  made  by  Col.  DWIGHT,  Capts.  JOHN  E.  JOHN 
SON,  BRICE  H.  BLAIR,  E.  S.  OSBORNE,  and  others,  the  greatest 
enthusiasm  prevailing.  The  regiment,  numbering  795,  rank 
and  file,  is  eager  for  the  decisive  blow  for.  the  nation's  honor 
and  freemen's  vindication,  at  any  peril  of  life  or  fortune. 

D.  ALLEN,  Sergeant-Major. 

One  Hundred  and  Forty-ninth  Pennsylvania  Vols. 


CANNOT  THE  PEOPLE  TAKE  CARE  OF  THEMSELVES  ? 

Who  put  Abraham  Lincoln  in  the  executive  chair  ? 

Was  it  not  the  PEOPLE  of  the  United  States  ?  Was  he  not 
constitutionally  elected  by  the  votes  of  the  PEOPLE,  to  execute 
the  laws,  and  to  sustain  the  dignity  and  power  of  the  nation 
for  the  term  of  four  years  ?  Is  there  another  ruler  upon  the 
globe  that  is  so  entirely  the  servant  of  the  PEOPLE  employed 
to  do  their  will  ? 

Arc  not  the  Senators  and  Representatives  in  Congress  the 
delegates  whom  the  PEOPLE  have  appointed  to  protect  and 
promote  their  interests  ?  Does  not  every  individual  in  the 
employment  of  the  General  Government — civil,  military,  and 
naval,  exercise  an  authority  conferred  on  him  by  the  PEOPLE, 
through  their  representatives  and  agents  at  Washington  ?  Is 
not  this  very  war  in  which  we  are  engaged,  a  war  to  uphold  a 
free  PEOPLE'S  government  against  despotism  arid  arbitrary 
power?  Would  it  have  broken  out  if  the  PEOPLE  had  not 
elected  a  President  to  suit  themselves  ? 

In  a  few  months  this  President  becomes  a  private  citizen 
again,  and  does  any  body  suppose  that  the  PEOPLE  who  put  him 
there,  and  who  will  put  his  successor  there  when  his  term  is  out, 
are  meanwhile  forging  chains  and  fetters  to  gall  themselves  ? 

If  the  PEOPLE'S  President  finds  the  muscles  of  his  arm 
strengthened  for  the  fierce  conflict  in  which  he  is  called  to  lead, 
is  it  not  the  spirit  of  the  PEOPLE  that  strengthens  it  ? 

Who  does  not  know  and  feel  that  our  danger  lies  in  the 
opposite  direction  ?  Who  so  likely  to  have  an  iron  heel  as 
those  that  seek  to  defeat  the  will  of  the  PEOPLE,  and  to  establish 
themselves  upon  the  ruins  of  a  free  government  ? 

Let  any  honest,  fair-minded  citizen  look  at  the  three  con 
spicuous  objects  now  in  the  field  of  our  vision,  and  say  which  is 
most  agreeable  to  the  eye  of  a  true  American.  There  is 

1.  The  party  of  Southern  slaveholders  and  aristocrats  who 
have  staked  their  all  upon  the  destruction  of  our  Constitution 
and  Government. 

2.  There  are  base  and  truckling  sympathizers  at  the  North, 
who    prate    about    Federal    encroachments,   and    cajole    their 
disciples  with  discourses    on  the    peril  of   State    Rights,  but 
have  no  word  of  'cheer  for  soldiers  and  sailors  who  are  giving 
their  hearts'  blood  to  save  these  very  men  from  the  horrors  of 
anarchy !      And 

3.  We  see  the  great  body  of  the  people  in  TWENTY-FOUR  of 
our  sovereign  States  animated  with  a  true  patriotism,  and  de 
termined  to  protect  the  Government  of  the  United  States  in  all 
its  prerogatives,  and  the  territory  of  the  United  States  in  all  its 
integrity.     Let  us  never  forget  that  our  nation  has  no  life  apart 
from  its  Constitutional  Government. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 
This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below. 


NOV  6     1947 

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MAR  2 


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THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


